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Beware of donations from somebody named Michael King

Here's what we know about who's who in the case against Dianne Wilkerson, as made in that FBI affidavit. Corrections welcome.

CW
A.K.A. the "Cooperating Witness," who made the initial contact with the FBI that ultimately led to Wilkerson's present troubles. Described in the affidavit as somebody who approached Wilkerson "for assistance in opening a proposed club to be located in the Crosstown Center on Melnea Cass Boulevard in Roxbury, Massachusetts," i.e. the Dejavu club. Adrian Walker's July 24 column (the one he wrote on Wilkerson's behalf) would suggest the CW was likely Ron Wilburn (not "Wilborn" as Walker wrote). Oh, and Walker is identified only as "a Boston Globe columnist" to whom Wilkerson sent "a package of material" about alleged bias against minorities by the Boston Licensing Board.

Associate A
The Globe reports he is Azid Mohammed, "a street-savvy neighborhood businessman with a zeal to build a development in Roxbury," in this case, on Parcel 8, a state-owned piece of land on Harrison Avenue. The affidavit claims he suggested to undercover agents specific amounts with which to pay off two state representatives and a Boston city councilor (see below under Representative Z). In 2006, he gave $250 to Wilkerson's campaign, according to records at the state Office of Campaign and Political Finance (also, in 2006, he gave a total of $2,000 to the National Republican Congressional Committee).

UC1
An FBI agent, a "young man" posing as an out-of-town businessman who claimed to be working with CW. CW introduced him to Wilkerson at a Sept. 14, 2007 meeting at the Parker House, at which she claimed that four (she later changed that to five) of the forty new liquor licenses approved for Boston were hers to do with as she wished. As the Dejavu deal wound down, UC1 began working Wilkerson on the Harrison Avenue deal. Wilkerson sought extra involvement from UC1 and UC2 in the deal because Associate A "did not have the talent or funding sufficient to move forward on the project."

UC2
Another FBI agent, who came in on the Dejavu deal after CW "dropped out" and who asked Wilkerson to hold up the liquor-license bill for a month. On June 18, he attended a fundraiser at the Bostonian Hotel for Wilkerson and gave her a $500 money order as a donation. Wilkerson's filings with the state Office of Campaign and Political Finance list several $500 contributions that night, including one from Michael King, who gave an address of 3276 Buford Dr. #104, Buford, GA., which is actually a UPS Store. Also present at the fundraiser: A number of people involved in Boston construction and development, including Arthur Winn, developer of the now stalled $800-million Columbus Center luxury project that Wilkerson backed - to the point of pushing for up to $40 million in state grants. Lawrence Curtis and Roger Cassin, managing partners in Winn's firm, also attended, ponied up $500 each (four people associated with Keith Construction, which lists Winn as a client, also gave $500 apiece). Here is a listing of all the people who gave her money on that date.

UC3
Another FBI agent, who talked to Wilkerson about the Harrison Avenue project from Atlanta and who met with her and UC2 in her Roxbury office on Tremont Street. "Wilkerson said that as soon as there is an agreement between UC3 and Associate A regarding a name for their joint venture, she would file the direct designation legislation in the Senate and House Representative Z would file it in the House."

Representative Z
State Rep. Byron Rushing of Roxbury. In discussing the legislation to get more liquor licenses for Boston, one of which Wilkerson guaranteed to Dejavu, she allegedly said: ""We have since secured the support of the Assistant Majority Leader of the House ... who happens to be ... a state rep. And I am his Senator." He also agreed to file a House bill on the Parcel 8 property, just in case Wilkerson lost the November election. Also, he agreed to file the legislation in exchange for a public hearing on the proposal.

In one meeting with two undercover agents, the affidavit says: "Associate A went on to explain that House Representative Z's support was also important and that '[House Representative Z] is small. Five thousand dollars to [him].' ... Associate A also explained that Wilkerson "orchestrates" the 'small timers,' including a second named member of the House of Representatives and a named Boston City Councilor. Associate A suggested that each of those individuals should be paid $1,000.' Associate A agreed to introduce the agents to these as yet unidentified individuals because they only take money from people 'they're comfortable with.' "

City Councilor Name
Wilkerson (allegedly): "He wants to have a hearing. I want a license." This would be City Councilor Chuck Turner, arrested on Nov. 21 for his alleged role in the Dejavu affair.

BLB Chairman
Daniel Pokaski, head of the state board that oversees liquor licenses in Boston. He is a former state representative and criminal court clerk first appointed in 1993 by Governor Weld. He allegedly agreed to get Dejavu its license because he did not want to be on Wilkerson's "bad side" and subsequently carried through on that - after Wilkerson lifted her legislative hold on a pay raise for him and other licensing-board staffers. This does not make him look very good.

Unnamed Lawyer
The affidavit discusses the lawyer who represented CW before the BLB and who directed CW to tell Wilkerson to be "very, very nice" to the BLB chairman. The Globe identifies him as Stephen V. Miller, who frequently represents people seeking liquor licenses in Boston.

Senator Y
State Sen. Michael Morrissey of Quincy, described as "the Senate chairman of the Joint Committee on Consumer Protection and Professional Licensure," he agreed to meet with Wilkerson and city officials to try to push the liquor-license issue.

The Senate President
Therese Murray of Plymouth. Allegedly set up a meeting with Senator Y at which Wilkerson strongarmed the mayor, the BLB chairman and the city council president to get Dejavu its license. The affidavit claims Wilkerson held up legislation requested by the city council on a separate issue (to seek a waiver from a law requiring a September preliminary election for at-large city council seats) as a lever to gain cooperation on the liquor licenses. However, the outcome of the meeting was that Dejavu would get its license and Wilkerson would push legislation to get Boston more overall licenses.

The Boston City Council President
Maureen Feeney of Dorchester, the only public official noted in the affidavit as actually trying to stand up to Wilkerson's bullying.

The Mayor
Oh, we don't have to spell this one out for you, do we? He took a phone call from Wilkerson and agreed to try to get Dejavu a license. The affidavit has Wilkerson boasting of how she called in chits with him (and Pokaski) to get the Dejavu license through.

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Comments

Byron Rushing has always struck me as being a person of high integrity and moral character. I would be really surprised if he was found to have done anything wrong here.

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We don't know that he was actually offered anything or accepted anything yet - same for the unnamed city councilor. Could have been "A" mouthing off.

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That might be a real kick if she had been so greedy that she asked for extra shares for people, but kept the money herself and never mentioned any of it to them. That wouldn't surprise me.

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One of the restaurants mentioned in the affidavit is Ali's Roti Wrap, which used to have a branch in Roslindale Square, which I still miss.

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Nice work Adam.

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What about Colonel Mustard and Professor Plum? Surely they must have been involved!

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in Ali's Roti Wrap with complicity.

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In a piece in the Globe yesterday (I think it was), they asked different people involved in Dejavu as to whether they were the CW. Ron Wilborn was asked and answered that he was not. That doesn't mean he's not lying, but it's probably worth noting in your description that he's denied being the CW.

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I've updated the list.

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